Graffiti, Aleppo Wall, 2014: "Cry of a homeland tired by sectarianism, killings, destruction, and robberies."
Books
“Refugees, Immigrants, and Sociopolitical Change in Modern Turkey,” (with Serhun Al) under contract with Cambridge University Press, submitted
Abstract The unprecedented waves of migration since 2011 have incited a myriad of demographic anxieties and ontological insecurities within Turkish society. These fears have been tapped into by political parties to justify the introduction of restrictive migration policies including limitations on migrant registration and residence, as well as the regulation of the use of signs and symbols in languages other than Turkish. Ironically, during this decade, President Erdoğan’s authoritarian rule and chronic economic decline have also increasingly generated emigration (out-migration) waves from Turkey. Moreover, the government introduced a set of neoliberal migration policies such as the citizenship-by investment scheme and leveraged its geopolitical position to generate revenue from migration. We argue that all of these trends in the recent decade have resulted in the emergence of a limited mixed migration regime in Turkey, simultaneously displaying characteristics from Global South and Global North migration regimes albeit to different degrees. Situated in this context, this Element explores the transformative impact of recent refugee and immigrant flows on Turkey’s traditional migration policies, political discourses, and collective anxieties.
Peer-Reviewed Journal Articles
“Electoral Dynamics, New Nationalisms, and Party Positions on Syrian Refugees in Turkey” (with Serhun Al and Bekir Arslan), Turkish Studies,https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2024.2310850 Abstract When and under what conditions do ideologically similar nationalist parties adopt different positions and discourses about refugees and immigrants? We address this question by examining nationalist parties’ approaches toward Syrian refugees in Turkey. Documenting these differences based on an original Twitter dataset and party manifestos, we argue that electoral dynamics under the new presidential system have shaped nationalist parties’ discourses about refugees in the country. In particular, we explore how pre-electoral alliances and a strategic opening in the political space have motivated nationalist parties to amplify, ambiguate, or silence their otherwise conservative and nativist refugee discourses. Additionally, we maintain that urbanization has influenced the discursive strategies of nationalist party elites toward immigrants and refugees, giving rise to contradictory forms of nationalism in urban areas, including both far-right and liberal nationalisms. Overall, this study offers valuable insights into the complex interactions between refugee politics, electoral dynamics, nationalism, and urbanization in Turkey.
“Protecting Sensitive Data Early in the Research Data Lifecycle” (with Sebastian Karcher and Nicholas Weber), The Journal of Privacy and Confidentiality, https://doi.org/10.29012/jpc.846
Abstract How do researchers in fieldwork-intensive disciplines protect sensitive data in the field, how do they assess their own practices, and how do they arrive at them? This article reports the results of a qualitative study involving 36 semi-structured interviews with qualitative and multi-method researchers in political science and humanitarian aid/migration studies. We find that researchers frequently feel ill-prepared to handle the management of sensitive data in the field and that formal institutions provide little support. Instead, they use a patchwork of sources to devise strategies for protecting their informants and data. We argue that this carries substantial risks for the security of the data as well as their potential for later sharing and re-use. We conclude with some suggestions for effectively supporting data management in fieldwork-intensive research without unduly adding to the burden on researchers conducting it.
Electoral Competition Dynamics and Syrian Refugee Policies and Discourses in Germany and France, European Politics and Society, 10.1080/23745118.2022.2142399 Abstract Among European countries, Germany has implemented the most generous policies toward Syrian refugees. Contrarily, its main partner within the EU, France, viewing the refugee crisis primarily as a matter of security, has avoided them. I argue that these divergent approaches are closely linked with electoral competition dynamics. Electoral competition dynamics have shaped the expected outcomes of adopting pro-Syrian refugee policies for ruling centrist parties in these countries. The risk posed by the centrist right-wing voters’ shift to the far-right due to the enactment of pro-refugee policies for CDU in Germany was eased to a great extent by a type of cordon sanitaire, other parties’ exclusion of Alternative for Germany (AfD) from coalitions. However, the electoral risk posed by the rise of a Populist Radical Right Party (PRRP), the National Rally (RN), against the Republic on the Move (LREM) has been higher in France. As a result, centrist French Presidents have been electorally more constrained or vulnerable in adopting generous refugee policies. They fear that voters who are dissatisfied with their refugee policies will seek comfort in the National Rally’s extreme platform, leading to fragmentation of the vote. Unlike Chancellor Merkel, these leaders remained risk-averse during the European refugee crisis. By comparatively analyzing the Syrian refugee discourses and policies in Germany and France, this study permits us to better evaluate and understand the domestic sources of refugee politics in liberal democracies.
"Explaining the Politics of Security: Syrian Refugees in Turkey and Lebanon," Journal of Global Security Studies, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogaa039
Abstract Under what conditions do governments view and respond to the arrival of refugees primarily as a security threat? Comparatively analyzing the securitization of Syrian refugees in two host countries, Turkey and Lebanon, this paper proposes a domestic political context–based theory and typology of securitization. Based on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the media data including mainstream national Turkish and Lebanese newspaper articles, this research first differentiates between different levels of securitization and finds that moderate securitization in Lebanon during the early years of the refugee crisis (2013–2014) coincided with an open border policy, inaction, legal ambiguity, and benign neglect. From 2015, a marked increase of securitization in Lebanon coincided with controlled borders, restrictive policies, and heightened tension. Securitization of Syrian refugees has followed a somewhat different trajectory in Turkey, where the state switched from non-recognition (2013–2014) to recognition (2014–2016) and then from recognition to integration (2016–present), while a decrease in securitization mapped onto this policy trajectory despite the opposition's and the public's increasing discontentment with the presence of refugees. Then, this paper argues that the low level of securitization in Turkey is an outcome of the incumbent party's Islamist political ideology that motivates transnational religious solidarity, whereas the high level of securitization in Lebanon is a consequence of elite divisions and the country's unique historical experiences with Palestinian refugees that engender competing security perspectives and agendas on Syrian refugees. Overall, this study demonstrates how contextual or domestic factors are key to explaining government attitudes toward refugee groups and contributes to our understanding of the sources and processes of securitization.
"Living with Absence, Missing Migrants and the Red Cross and Red Crescent’s Restoring Family Links Program (with Mostafa Shalaby)"Muslim World Journal of Human Rights, https://doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2022-0008 Abstract The chaos and confusion that accompany war, disaster, and international migration separate families when they need each other most. The Red Cross and Red Crescent join the search across international borders, offering a unique service that allows families to reconnect. This paper examines the role of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, and specifically their Restoring Family Links (RFL) program in the search for missing migrants. Based on interviews with the RFL program’s officers and those individuals who have been reconnected with their missing family members, this paper evaluates the results and implications of the RFL program model, draws out lessons and insights (local, regional, or global), and makes policy recommendations. Also, by sharing migrants’ experiences and insights, it aims to raise awareness of the less well-known legal, economic, and social consequences of the displacement crises.
Abstract While the impact of refugee movements on border and state security has been extensively studied, little attention has been given to how forced migration disrupts individuals’ sense of identity and ontological security. I analyze refugee ontological security through an original survey conducted with 3,992 Syrian refugees in Turkey and Germany. I propose a framework for conceptualizing the emotional and behavioral aspects of ontological security for refugees and discuss how they seek to restore their ontological security in host countries. The proposed framework defines unique indicators of ontological (in)security and builds on the ontological security theory (OST). The findings of this study are threefold. First, I find a statistically higher level of emotional ontological insecurity among Syrian refugees in Turkey than in Germany. Second, the results indicate that behavioral ontological insecurity among Syrian refugees is strongly associated with conservative/protective expressions of identity, low political interest, and willingness to return. Third, contrary to expectations, the results show that physical security and ontological security are not always strongly correlated. Based on these findings, I conclude that ontological security theory can help us understand how forced migration impacts refugees’ sense of identity and belonging as well as their interactions with host countries and the international community.
“How Refugees Respond to Hostile Political Discourse: No Exit, But Less Voice” (with Aykut Ozturk), revised and resubmitted
Abstract How does political discourse about refugees influence their attitudes in the host country? Relying on an online survey and experiment conducted with Syrian refugees in Turkey and Germany, this study explores the relationship between political discourse and refugees’ two potential attitudinal responses: political integration and return. Our observational analysis demonstrates that refugees’ perception of the political discourses about them is the variable most consistently associated with attitudes in these domains. Our experimental results reveal that hostile political discourse, compared to a welcoming political discourse, undermines refugees’ political integration, weakening both their political interest and willingness for participation in host country politics. However, our experimental findings suggest that political discourse does not significantly impact refugees’ intentions and willingness to return. Overall, our results demonstrate that refugees’ perceptions of political discourse are an important determinant of their attitudes toward host country politics, and more research is warranted on the topic.
“Navigating State Borders: Legal and Moral Dimension,” under contract with the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies
Abstract Throughout history, the natural instinct of humans to seek new opportunities, connect with diverse cultures, and adapt to changing environments has manifested through migration. Recent Developments in transportation and communications technology have made movement across international borders easier than ever. Do existing international rules, norms, and principles facilitate mobility to the same extent in this rapidly changing world? In this context, this article provides an overview of when and why states open or close their borders to foreigners and discusses whether they have any legal or moral obligations. The overall position is that states have the right to choose to close their borders to immigrants, but they cannot deny individuals the right to asylum.
“Deciding on Return: Syrian Refugees and Competing Authorities in Turkey” Ellen Lust and Mark Tessler (eds.), Competing Authorities in the Middle East and North Africa “Global Attitudes toward Authoritarian Leaders in the Aftermath of the Ukraine Invasion” (with Marc Jacob)
Other Publications
“Political Polarization and Soccer in Turkey,” POMEPS Studies 48, July 2023, available athttps://pomeps.org/political-polarization-and-football-in-turkey “The Political Roots of Turkey’s Earthquake Devastation,” The Washington Post's Made by History blog, Feb 2023, available athttps://www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-history/2023/02/14/turkey earthquake/
“Self-representations of Syrian refugees in the Media in Turkey and Germany,”Forced Migration Review, Issue 70, Sep 2022 available athttps://www.fmreview.org/issue70/secen
“Between Hospitality and Hostility: Public Attitudes and State Policies toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey (with Mustafa Gurbuz),” in Goldstone, A. J., Alimi, E., Ozeren, S., & Cubukcu, S. (Eds.) (2021). From Territorial Defeat to Global ISIS: Lessons Learned, IOS Press Publication, Amsterdam.
Immigrants and Refugees: Trauma, Perennial Mourning, Prejudice, and Border Psychology by Vamik Volkan, Journal of Refugee Studies, available at https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fead046 Articles Commissioned as an E-International Relations Commissioning Editor